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Human Security Developments There was a notable decrease in the number of targeted attacks in the urban centres of Algeria in 2009. However, AQIM continued to launch ambush attacks on Algerian security services in the provinces encircling Algiers, as well as in the south of the country. Read more >>

Human Security Developments 2009

There was a notable decrease in the number of targeted attacks in the urban centres of Algeria in 2009. However, AQIM continued to launch ambush attacks on Algerian security services in the provinces encircling Algiers, as well as in the south of the country.

Although figures vary slightly depending on whether the information is gathered from government sources or declarations delivered by AQIM, Algerian media sources estimate that approximately 123 AQIM operatives have been killed this year, while 126 members of the Algerian security forces have perished as a result of AQIM attacks.

Kidnappings proved an effective tool for AQIM in disrupting the relationship between Algeria and its international counterparts. By operating in areas beyond Algeria’s sovereign jurisdiction, AQIM showed its ability to undermine the Algerian government while expanding beyond its previous confines into a transnational realm. Additionally, by employing proxies to perform abductions, AQIM has increased the scope, network and impact of its activities while decreasing its own risk, rendering it substantially more difficult for the authorities to pinpoint AQIM’s location or to limit its influence.  

In February, AQIM claimed responsibility for the 22 January kidnapping of two Canadian diplomats and four European tourists on the border between Mali and Niger. The AQIM cell led by Moctar Ben Moctar demanded the release of 20 AQIM members in exchange for the hostages.

After several rounds of negotiations, two of the tourists, Marianne Petzold and Gabriella Greitner, were released on 22 April, allegedly in exchange for four AQIM members. Canadian diplomats Robert Fowler and Louis Guay were also freed by their captors, although the conditions for their release remain unclear.  

Tribal mediators from Mali and European Salafists joined intensified efforts to secure the release of the two remaining hostages by negotiating with AQIM leader Yahia Djoudi. After AQIM demanded 10 million Euros, a cessation of military raids, and the release of revered Jordanian jihadist Abu Qatada in exchange for British national Edwin Dyer, the British government issued its final ultimatum on 31 May, saying that military raids would continue unless Edwin Dyer was released. On 3 June, Edwin Dyer was executed.

On 13 July, the last hostage, Swiss national Werner Greiner, was released, ostensibly in exchange for 5 million Euros. The deal elicited widespread condemnation in North Africa as analysts and media outlets reported that the incident epitomised the hypocrisy of the West – promoting democracy and human rights unless it directly affects their national interest and ignoring the detrimental ramifications that funding jihadists will have on the region.

As a result of this incident and amid domestic pressure, Algeria drafted a resolution to the UN Security Council banning the payment of ransom to terrorists. As the Algerian Minister for Maghreb and African Affairs said at the 15^th Non-Aligned Movement Conference in Sharm el-Sheikh, ‘we feel that financing for terrorist activities is largely provided by the money that is collected in these [kidnapping] operations.’

At present, AQIM holds four Spanish and two Italian aid workers seized in Mauritania on 29 November. The hostages were supposedly taken on the orders of Yahia Djoudi by Mauritanian nationals recruited by AQIM. The Spanish and Italian government, Mauritanian officials and tribal chiefs are currently working to secure their release.

There is no information on population displacement as a result of the activities of AQIM.

Human Security Developments 2008

The human-security situation improved in 2008. Fatalities fell to approximately 267 for the year, well below the total of 467 in 2007. Of these, an estimated 74 were civilians, 87 soldiers and police and 106 militants. Civilians were rarely the primary targets of militant activity. Civilians were typically caught up in suicide or car bombings directed at government, military or police targets. This was the case in August, a particularly bloody month with several high-profile attacks, which accounted for a third of the year’s fatalities.

Kidnapping continued to attract attention, with the Algerian government setting up special teams to handle kidnapping cases. Government figures from 2007 showed that, of the 375 cases of reported kidnapping, 115 were related to terrorism. Many of these cases occurred in Tizi Ouzou province east of Algiers, where al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) is particularly active. In March, AQIM claimed responsibility for the February kidnapping of two Austrian tourists in Tunisia, supporting reports that the group was increasingly resorting to kidnapping for ransom. Later in the year, militants reportedly used the hostages to bargain for the release of two high-ranking AQIM members being held in Mali.

During the year the US military transferred five inmates of the Guantanamo Bay detention facility into Algerian custody. A prominent human-rights group released a report saying that Britain should not deport foreigners suspected of terrorist activities to countries likely to torture them. The report specifically mentioned Algeria and Jordan as two such countries; according to the group, ‘there is plenty of evidence that these governments cannot be trusted to prevent torture’.

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre no recent detailed accounts or statistics have been published on the situation of internally displaced persons.

Human Security Developments 2007

The human-security situation in 2007 deteriorated and overall fatalities more than doubled over the year. Militants associated with the newly named Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) organisation continued to attack the People’s National Army (ANP), while also stepping up attacks against civilian and foreign targets. The government conducted numerous trials of suspected terrorists, resulting in several convictions. Kidnappings remained rare, with just one abduction reported in May. A total of 467 people died in the conflict, 129 of them civilians and 107 soldiers.

The three deadliest attacks occurred in April, September and December, claiming 114 lives between them. In December’s attacks twin car bombings targeting the constitutional court building and UN offices in Algiers. A passing school bus was also destroyed, killing several children. Several foiled bomb attacks were reported throughout the year, while roadside bombings reportedly declined. Militants continued to target the infrastructure, including railway lines and pipelines. The frequency of militant attacks and raids on villages reportedly declined towards the end of the year. AQIM militants continued their guerrilla campaign against the security forces, inflicting significant casualties on the ANP. In one attack in July, ten soldiers were killed and another 23 injured when a booby-trapped lorry exploded next to a military detachment in Lakhdaria, east of Algiers.

Court rulings were less frequent than previously thanks to the government’s amnesty offer to militants under the National Reconciliation Charter. Nevertheless, at least 137 terrorist convictions were secured, although many suspects were tried in absentia. Several of those convicted were senior members of AQIM, including the founder of the group’s forerunner, the Salafist Group for Call and Combat (GSPC), Hassan Hattab. In January, two terrorist suspects were extradited to Algeria from Britain. The move was condemned by Amnesty International, which claims that Algeria uses torture to extract information during interrogation.

One abduction was reported in 2007, when an Egyptian engineer was kidnapped in May. This was the first abduction of an Arab national in Algeria. While no group claimed responsibility, there was speculation that AQIM may have been involved.

Human Security Developments 2006

The human security situation in 2006 was marked by talks about an international extradition treaty, Amnesty International’s claims of abuse in Algerian prisons and the stifling of free and open public discussion. The year saw spurts of violence and armed clashes resulting in the deaths of 191 people, an estimated 64 of them civilians.

The fears expressed by human-rights watchdogs that the Charter for National Reconciliation and Peace would stifle open debate by criminalising public discussion about the nation’s decade-long conflict proved well-founded as journalists were put under a detention order for publishing ‘documents doing harm to [the] national interest’.

Amnesty International launched a campaign to end the torture allegedly practised by the Algerian Department for Information and Security (DRS). Amnesty reported that torture and other ill-treatment was perpetrated with impunity by the DRS on individuals believed to hold information about terrorist activities, due to their alleged links either with armed groups in Algeria or with international terrorist networks. The report added that amnesty laws granted impunity to members of the security forces and confirmed that criticism of state agents was punishable by years of imprisonment. All complaints against the security forces were made inadmissible, regardless of the crimes they may have committed.

The visit of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika to the United Kingdom, the first visit of an Algerian president to the UK, sparked further concerns about torture in Algerian prisons among Amnesty and other human-rights groups, such as Liberty. Bouteflika held discussions with Prime Minister Tony Blair on establishing an extradition treaty which could endanger the human rights of detainees who have not had a fair trial.

After implementing the Charter, the government also threatened tough measures against those who continued to engage in terrorism. Concern was raised about the tactics used during large-scale counter-terrorist operations. Some of the operations were described as massacres of civilians. The final assault on the GSPC hideouts in the Sadat mountains, which put an end to a 40-day siege, killed around ten GSPC fighters, as well as an unknown number of women and children living with them in the caves.

The government also released a significant number of Islamic militants under the framework of the Charter: 1,300 of the more than 2,000 prisoners held for terrorism offences had been freed by mid-March, including leading figures of the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS), the Groupe Islamique Armée (GIA) and the GSPC. While some 100 Islamic insurgents have surrendered since December 2005, March 2006 estimates from the Algerian authorities suggested that about 700 to 800 remain at large.

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, conflict between the government and insurgent groups displaced at least one million Algerians between 1992 and 2002. Fighting and attacks targeting the civil population forced large numbers to flee rural areas and find security in nearby urban centres. Today, government forces have largely regained control over rural areas and a large majority of the former insurgents have accepted an amnesty offered by President Bouteflika and approved by the Algerian people in a referendum during fall 2005.

The actual number of people displaced by the conflict is difficult to determine given the information void that has pervaded the conflict in Algeria since its onset. The European Union estimated in 2002 that violence had displaced one million people, while others put the number as high as 1.5 million. There is no information available about the current number of internally displaced persons (IDPs), but it is regularly documented that many still live in the shanty towns that mushroomed across Algeria during the conflict.

Human Security Developments 2005

The number of fatalities in Algeria’s counter-terrorist conflict totalled 409 during 2005. The majority resulted from clashes between the Groupe Salafiste pour la Prédication et le Combat (GSPC, the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat) and National People’s Army (ANP) and municipal guard units. Most fighting came in search operations carried by the ANP. GSPC tactics continued to favour bomb attacks and fake roadblocks, as well as ambushes. Civilian casualties were low, though fatalities continued. In one incident, on 21 January, three women were killed and another five injured when a home-made bomb exploded at the entrance to the Sidi M’hamed-Cherif mausoleum in Blida. A further 14 civilians died at a fake roadblock manned by members of the Groupe Islamique Armée (GIA, Armed Islamic Group) in Larba on 8 April. On 24 February, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika stated that, since the beginning of the conflict in 1992, terrorism had claimed the lives of some 150,000 people and caused over $30 billion-worth of damage to the economy and the social infrastructure. On 31 March, a commission appointed by the government acknowledged that the security forces had been responsible for the disappearance of more than 6,000 people during the 1990s.

The actual number of people that were internally displaced during the civil war is near impossible to assess given the information void that pervaded the conflict in Algeria. In 2002, the European Union estimated that one million people had been displaced, while others put the number as high as 1.5 million.

The Algerian government has launched a rural rehabilitation programme to encourage the return of displaced people and the European Union launched a project supporting the rehabilitation programme of the government. However, as of 2005, progress has been slow.

The actual number of people that were internally displaced during the civil war is near impossible to assess given the information void that pervaded the conflict in Algeria. In 2002, the European Union estimated that one million people had been displaced, while others put the number as high as 1.5 million.

The Algerian government has launched a rural rehabilitation programme to encourage the return of displaced people and the European Union launched a project supporting the rehabilitation programme of the government. THowever, as of 2005, progress has been slow.

Human Security Developments 2004

An estimated 500 people died in 2004. The number is largely evenly split between security forces and militants, with civilian fatalities making up a smaller but not insignificant percentage. It is estimated that some 151,000 people have died since the violence began in 1992.

In the first half of the year, armed attacks and ambushes on remote rural areas resulted in regular fatalities. It is estimated that a total of at least 300 people were killed during this time. In January and February alone, 50 civilians are thought to have died due to the violence. On 2 June, ten National People’s Army (ANP) soldiers died and a further 45 were injured in an ambush by the Groupe Salafiste Pour La Prédication et Le Combat  (GSPC, or the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat) in east Algeria. This was the year’s most lethal militant attack.

Fewer fatalities were reported during the latter half of the year, when an estimated 200 are thought to have died. Though civilian casualties decreased substantially over the year, they remain a constant feature of the Algerian conflict. On 24 October, for example, Islamic militants killed 16 people near Medea. Meanwhile, casualties among government forces and militants continued to accumulate. Six suspected GSPC members died in army operations near Relizane on 15 September and, in a separate incident on 2 October, seven members of the ANP were killed in a bomb attack east of Algiers.

The state of emergency imposed in 1992 remains in place. An estimated 100,000 people have died in the conflict since 1992. 

The European Union estimates that the violence in Algeria in the 1990s displaced more than one million people, while others say the number is as high as 1.5 million. According to available sources, a large majority is still displaced. There seems to be few incentives for Algerian IDPs to return to their villages; the security situation remains a concern and there is a lack of basic infrastructure. It is also noteworthy that IDPs in Algeria have received no national or international assistance. This makes it harder for them to return; and their current situation and number difficult to determine.

The European Union estimates that the violence in Algeria in the 1990s displaced more than one million people, while others say the number is as high as 1.5 million. According to available sources, a large majority is still displaced. There seems to be few incentives for Algerian IDPs to return to their villages; the security situation remains a concern and there is a lack of basic infrastructure. It is also noteworthy that IDPs in Algeria have received no national or international assistance. This makes it harder for them to return; and their current situation and number difficult to determine.

Human Security Developments 2003

In relative terms, the number of deaths caused by the civil conflict in Algeria in 2003 was less than in previous years, but it was still significant. On average, 125 people were killed in Algeria every month between August 2002 and July 2003. Violence between Islamist groups like the Groupement Islamique Armée (GIA) and the Groupe Salafiste Pour La Prédication et Le Combat (GSPC) and Algerian security forces was responsible for most of the estimated 1,500 fatalities. Militant violence in Algeria tends to be more brutal than in other parts of the world, with large numbers of people, sometimes entire families, being shot or stabbed to death. The largest such killing of 2003 took place on 27 May − again in Chlef − when rebels executed 14 members of one family.

The GIA and the GSPC also targeted security forces in ambushes. One single large attack on military personnel occurred on 5 January 2003, when 43 soldiers were killed by unidentified militiamen near Batna, approximately 430 kilometres southeast of Algiers. Reports indicated that the militants threw petrol bombs onto the convoy as it passed by. On 25 February, rebels shot and killed four municipal guards in Teizi Ozo province. Algerian security forces also killed many GIA and GSPC insurgents, along with members of the rebel leadership.

Between August and October, reports indicate that 17 Algerian soldiers and over 150 Islamic militants lost their lives. On 17 September, an ambush by Islamic militants, 160 kilometres west of Algiers, resulted in the deaths of nine Algerian soldiers. One member of the Groupement Islamique Armée (GIA) was killed in the search for the attackers. On 13 September, the Algerian Army instigated a major crackdown on rebels in the province of Setif, 300 kilometres east of Algiers. It destroyed several guerrilla hideouts and killed some 150 militants. On 30 September, an ambush by suspected Islamic militants, 90 kilometres south of Algiers, claimed the lives of eight Algerian soldiers and injured three others.

All in all in 2003, a reported 900 people, including 430 Islamic extremists, lost their lives in the conflict. It is estimated that some 150,000 people have died since the violence began in 1992.

There was no significant change in the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in 2003. It was still difficult to obtain precise estimations and information about IDPs. Figures ranged from 100,000 to 200,000 people displaced. It was reported that a total of approximately 40,000 people had been displaced in the area of Medea and Ain Defla in the last decade. 30,000 IDPs were living near Saida, and that 30,000 in Tiaret. 5,000 IDPs were living in Chlef. 650 families were displaced in the area of Tenes. The majority of IDPs fled rural areas and settled with relatives, rather than in camps.

Around 5,000 Algerians applied for asylum in Western countries in the second half of 2002. There was no significant change in the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in 2003. It was still difficult to obtain precise estimations and information about IDPs. Figures ranged from 100,000 to 200,000 people displaced. It was reported that a total of approximately  40,000 people had been displaced in the area of Medea and Ain Defla in the last decade. 30,000 IDPs were living near Saida, and that 30,000 in Tiaret. 5,000 IDPs were living in Chlef. 650 families were displaced in the area of Tenes. The majority of IDPs fled rural areas and settled with relatives, rather than in camps.

Human Security Developments 2002

Although the levels of violence in Algeria dropped somewhat from the highs of 1987-1998, the year 2002 still witnessed a high number of fatalities as government forces sought to combat Islamic fundamentalists from the two main opposition terror groups, the Groupement Islamique Arme (Armed Islamic Group, GIA) and the Le Groupe Salafiste Pour La Predication et Le Combat (Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat, GSPC).

Despite renewed efforts by the government to crack down on militant groups, the level of killings, both in terms of civilians as well as insurgents, remained constant degree throughout 2002.

No real progress was made by the government in its campaign against the insurgents until 28 January 2002 when nine guerrillas were killed in Oran. However, the single largest number of killings during an attack by insurgents followed shortly afterwards on 5 February when 24 people were killed in three separate attacks in northern Algeria. Since that point, apart from the killing of four terrorists on 18 February by government forces, little progress was made in stemming the number of deaths. On 28 July 2002, the government scored a military victory when, Rachid Abu Turab, the leader of the GIA, was killed, along with 15 of his associates.

Militant violence in Algeria tends to be more brutal than in other parts of the world, with large numbers of people, sometimes entire families, being shot or stabbed to death. On 16 August 2002, for example, GIA guerrillas in Bokaat Laakakcha systematically murdered 26 members of three families, mostly women and children. Similarly, in the Chlef region, 21 members of one family, including a three-month-old baby, were shot to death by the GIA.

The GIA and the GSPC also targeted security forces in ambushes. On 23 November 2002, for instance, unidentified militants attacked soldiers with guns and improvised explosive devices, killing nine and injuring 12. Between 28 July and 4 August 2002, the army killed 15 GIA and 40 GSPC fighters. It was initially believed that GIA leader Rachid Abou Tourab was among those who perished, but this has not been confirmed. The next month, Algerian security forces killed Emad Abdelwahid Ahmed Alwan, a Yemeni national, who was later identified as a senior al-Qaeda representative. On 9 December, Algerian soldiers killed three terrorists, including a GSPC regional commander, in the Meftah municipality.

While the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees recorded approximately 9,000 Algerians asylum seekers in Europe at the end of 2001, an increase of 30% on 2000. it was impossible to obtain precise estimates of the number of Algerians exiled in Europe. Around 5,000 applied for asylum in industrial countries in the first half of 2002.

There was no significant change in the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in 2002. Figures ranged from 100,000 to 200,000 people displaced. It was reported that a total of approximately 40,000 people had been displaced in the areas of Medea and Ain Defla in the last decade. In the area of Mendes, terrorist groups repeatedly ransomed farmers, preventing them from cultivating their lands. As a result, farmers were forced to leave their house. During 2002, living conditions deteriorated in shantytowns − high rates of unemployment and rising crime, prostitution and poverty. IDPs in the countryside also faced dire living conditions, with chronic shortage of drinkable water, and poor sanitation.

In 2002, the Algerian government tried to organise the return of IDPs in some areas, such as to the depopulated village of Lekouassem. This was possible because of an improvement in the security situation, and implementation of a housing reconstruction policy. However, return remained problematic, as, there was a lack of water and electricity in the area. The reconstruction programme was not completed on time: a significant number of houses still had to be built. Furthermore, most IDPs willing to return were unaware of the government aid available, especially agricultural support.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) recorded approximately 9,000 Algerians asylum seekers in Europe at the end of 2001, an increase of 30% on 2000. It was impossible to obtain precise estimates of the number of Algerians exiled in Europe. Around 5,000 applied for asylum in industrial countries in the first half of 2002.

There was no significant change in the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in 2002. Figures ranged from 100,000 to 200,000 people displaced. It was reported that a total of approximately 40,000 people had been displaced in the areas of Medea and Ain Defla in the last decade. In the area of Mendes, terrorist groups repeatedly ransomed farmers, preventing them from cultivating their lands. As a result, farmers were forced to leave their house. During 2002, living conditions deteriorated in shantytowns − high rates of unemployment and rising crime, prostitution and poverty. IDPs in the countryside also faced dire living conditions, with chronic shortage of drinkable water, and poor sanitation.

In 2002, the Algerian government tried to organise the return of IDPs in some areas, such as to the depopulated village of Lekouassem. This was possible because of an improvement in the security situation, and implementation of a housing reconstruction policy. However, return remained problematic, as, there was a lack of water and electricity in the area. The reconstruction programme was not completed on time: a significant number of houses still had to be built. Furthermore, most IDPs willing to return were unaware of the government aid available, especially agricultural support.

Human Security Developments 2001

The Algerian conflict between the military-backed government and the Islamic insurgents of the Groupement Islamique Arme (Armed Islamic Group, GIA) and the Le Group Salafiste Pour La Predication et Le Combat (Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat, GSPC) entered its tenth year. Overall, the number of killings and their pattern remained the same, but not on the scale seen during 1997-1998 when up to 400 villagers in Benthala were killed in one attack.

Although the Civil Concorde of 1999, which was essentially an amnesty for insurgents, expired in January 2000, it was effectively still in operation. The initial success of the Concorde in persuading the Arme Islamique du Salut (Islamic Salvation Army, AIS) to renounce its struggle was offset by the determination of the GIA and the GSPC to maintain their efforts to overthrow the government through attacks on civilian and military targets. Combined with renewed efforts by the government to crack down on such groups, the level of killings, both in terms of innocent civilians as well as the main protagonists, was maintained to a notable and almost constant degree throughout 2001. There was an initial upsurge of violence by the active Islamic terrorists, partly as a reaction to the dissolution of the AIS. The upsurge of terrorist violence during August 2001 drew a heavy response from the security forces as they sought to prevent armed Islamic groups from infiltrating Algiers and carrying out attacks.

However, fundamentalist violence continued unabated outside the capital, and during the holy month of Ramadan, more than 200 civilians were killed, followed on 17 December by the murder of 15 pupils and their teacher, as they lay asleep at a boarding school. By the end of that month, more than 300 civilians had been killed, and more than 100 in one week alone, along with dozens of members of the security forces. The violence continued unabated into the New Year. In January, there were two large-scale massacres of innocent villagers, in which nearly 50 people were killed. On 10 February, the largest attack on civilians in one attack that year took place, with 26 villagers killed, including 11 children.

The attack was blamed on the GIA, which, it was claimed, had increased its activity in north-central Algeria in order to draw the attention of the military away from rebel groups operating in the Western part of the country. However, in March security forces utilised intelligence on GIA movements to launch attacks upon insurgents resulting in the killing of up to 45, more than 30 in a single attack, in the mountains southeast of Sidi bel Abbes. This was followed on 22-23 June by the killing of up to 30 more insurgents, 200km to the west of Algiers. This had been in response to a GIA attack on military units the week before. Nevertheless, terror attacks continued unabated, and on 7 July,16 civilians were killed by insurgents 120km west of Algiers

One of the more notable incidents came with the killings of 17 villagers on 14 August 2001 and on 13 villagers on 2 September. Both attacks were carried out by militant insurgents. This was less than two weeks after one group, the GSPC, had reportedly sought talks with the Algerian government with regard to ceasing its activities. Attacks on villagers increased throughout September, culminating in the murder of 24 villagers by terrorists at a wedding in the town of Larba, near Algiers, on 27 September.

However, government forces had their greatest single success with the killing of 28 members of the GSPC on 18 September as the government began to step up the intensity of its actions against insurgents. There were more civilian deaths the following month, with 24 people murdered in two separate attacks on the 15 and 30 October.

A significant number of Algerians sought asylum in Europe. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that around 6,000 Algerians requested refugee status in Europe in the second half of 2000, while thousands of others fled to Europe without officially demanding it.

The ongoing conflict between the armed forces of Algeria and Islamist fundamentalist groups resulted in thousands of people becoming internally displaced. At the end of 2000, the figure was between 100,000 and 200,000. It is difficult to obtain a more precise estimate of the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Algeria, mainly because of the Algerian government’s reluctance to grant international organisations access to the country. Most IDPs fled from rural areas, the site of frequent violence by Islamist groups, to city centres. As a result, there has been an increase in the number of shantytowns and the housing crisis has become acute. Living conditions facing IDPs in these areas are particularly poor; notably there is a shortage of drinkable water, lack of basic facilities and malnutrition. The majority of IDPs are women and children. There was no reliable information about the exact number of Algerians returning to Algeria. Since the conflict was ongoing and there was frequent violence, there was little chance of returns on a massive scale.

A significant number of Algerians sought asylum in Europe. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that around 6,000 Algerians requested refugee status in Europe in the second half of 2000, while thousands of others fled to Europe without officially demanding it.

The ongoing conflict between the armed forces of Algeria and Islamist fundamentalist groups resulted in thousands of people becoming internally displaced. At the end of 2000, the figure was between 100,000 and 200,000. It is difficult to obtain a more precise estimate of the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Algeria, mainly because of the Algerian government’s reluctance to grant international organisations access to the country. Most IDPs fled from rural areas, the site of frequent massacres by Islamist groups, to city centres. As a result, there has been an increase in the number of shantytowns and the housing crisis has become acute. Living conditions facing IDPs in these areas are particularly poor, notably there is a shortage of drinkable water, lack of basic facilities and malnutrition. The majority of IDPs are women and children. There was no reliable information about the exact number of Algerians returning to Algeria. Since the conflict was ongoing and there was frequent violence, there was little chance of returns on a massive scale.